Elizabeth Goitein
@LizaGoitein · joined 18 Mar 2015
Co-director of the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice, erstwhile oboist, mom of seriously cute twins. Opinions are my own.
27 671Followers
186Following
4 478Posts total
18.2KViews on collected posts
Posts recentes
Procurando novos posts…
Indeed, far from reaching a deal with the large and bipartisan block of members who support adding a warrant requirement, Cotton, Grassley, and Warner shut them out of the drafting process entirely—while inviting Trump administration officials in. 15/17
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Democrats might be sufficiently worried about Clayton that they refuse to pass any version of Sec. 702. But if Sec. 702 renewal does move forward, members can—and must—guard against abuse by rejecting Cotton/Grassley/Warner and supporting a bill with a warrant requirement. 17/17
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The choice for members was never between passing a bill with meaningless changes or letting Section 702 lapse. The choice is whether or not to allow the government to continue helping itself to Americans’ emails, text messages, and phone calls without a warrant. 16/17
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These members worked hard to create the impression that there was a “deal” to pass their bill, and that the deal was scuttled by Pulte’s appointment as acting DNI. But there was never a “deal”—that was just wishcasting on the part of the bill’s drafters. 14/17
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Congress should have done this years ago. Under this administration, it’s a no-brainer, and it should be a prerequisite for any discussion over reauthorizing Section 702. Several members—both Democrats and Republicans—have offered bills including this reform. 12/17
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By contrast, three senators who have long opposed Sec. 702 reform (Cotton, Grassley & Warner) drafted a bill that purports to include reforms but largely rubber stamps the status quo, including warrantless access to Americans’ private communications. 13/17 https://t.co/2Ah2aWrOe1
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If Congress reauthorizes Section 702, it must restore the check against executive abuse that the Framers enshrined in the Fourth Amendment: a requirement that the government obtain a warrant before accessing Americans’ private communications and other sensitive information. 11/17
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Moreover, Clayton isn’t the only administration official with warrantless access to Americans’ communications under Section 702. There’s also Todd Blanche and Kash Patel, who have not hesitated to weaponize the Department of Justice and FBI to serve Trump’s revenge agenda. 9/17
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There is already a long record of abuse of Section 702 under previous administrations. Imagine the abuses that will happen—and could be happening right now—under an administration committed to going after the president’s perceived political enemies and the ideological left. 10/17
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But even if Clayton’s record were spotless, Congress must assume that *any* administration official will either bend the knee or be fired—as we’ve now seen multiple times. If Clayton ever stood up to Trump, he’d be removed in a heartbeat, and we’d have another Pulte. 8/17
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Some Democrats were probably using Section 702 as leverage, but many feared how Pulte might abuse the warrantless access to Americans’ communications that Section 702 provides (the DNI oversees the National Counterterrorism Center, which receives Section 702-acquired data). 6/17
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Clayton’s confirmation should not change that calculus. His confirmation hearing performance was dismal. His refusal to state that Biden won the 2020 election proves that he’s willing to rewrite facts to serve Trump’s political agenda. That was exactly the fear about Pulte. 7/17
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Section 702 lapsed in June after Democrats refused to vote for any Section 702 reauthorization (with or without reforms) while Pulte served as acting DNI. Given Pulte’s record, members feared that he would succumb to pressure from Trump to politicize intelligence. 5/17
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Reminder: Section 702 authorizes warrantless surveillance of foreigners overseas, but it sweeps in huge volumes of Americans’ communications. Multiple agencies exploit this “incidental” collection to access Americans’ phone calls, text messages, and emails without a warrant. 2/17
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In recent years there have been persistent and widespread abuses, including FBI attempts to access the communications of members of Congress, journalists, political campaign donors, and protesters across the ideological spectrum. 3/17 https://t.co/FU3nC9at2t
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This pattern of abuse has led members of Congress on both sides of the aisle to call for reforms, including a requirement that the government get a warrant before accessing Americans’ communications that are “incidentally” collected under Section 702. 4/17
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Jay Clayton has been confirmed as Director of National Intelligence (DNI). What’s next for Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act? 1/17
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Today, two dozen national and local organizations wrote to Governor Green and asked him to recall the Hawai’i National Guard forces that he sent to Washington, DC, at President Trump’s request. 1/10 https://t.co/bsz308bvUe
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Trump has not earned the trust that Gov. Whitmer is placing in him by providing Michigan’s National Guard forces for his use. Gov. Whitmer should bring these Guard forces home now—before, not after, the next misuse occurs. 11/11
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Requests for out-of-state Guard assistance with major DC events may not raise concerns in normal times. These are not normal times. Trump’s misuse of National Guard forces throughout the past year has been pervasive and unprecedented, and is ongoing in DC. 10/11
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Indeed, MI Guard forces are slated to be in DC until the end of August—long after the crowd-drawing July 4 events (other 250 events will likely be much smaller). By contrast, Govs. Walz, Moore, Beshear, & Stein have withdrawn their Guard forces or plan to do so this week. 8/11
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More than a week later, the JTF website continues to list Michigan as one of the states supporting law-enforcement efforts “aimed at restoring order” in DC, and Michigan Guard forces continue to be seen in DC neighborhoods. Yet Gov. Whitmer has not ended the deployment. 7/11
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Even if Michigan Guard forces were being used only for 250 events, there is ample potential for misuse in that context. What if there are protests at the events, or if event attendees dip a hand in the reflecting pool? What will Guard forces’ marching orders be? 9/11
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But as the letter points out, there is no way to ensure that the Trump administration will honor that distinction. In fact, Michigan Guard forces have been placed under the crime-control joint task force (JTF) and have been recorded in neighborhoods far from any 250 event. 5/11
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On June 29, Gov. Whitmer warned that she would end the deployment of Michigan Guard forces if there was a continued blurring of these lines. As an example, she noted that the JTF website listed Michigan as contributing to its law-enforcement mission. 6/11 https://t.co/SSf6v8iVhc
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The ostensible purpose of the recent deployments was to assist with crowd control and similar functions during the events to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence (“250 events”)—not to join the “summer surge” of Guard forces policing the city. 4/11
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As these governors had previously acknowledged, absent an emergency that overwhelms civilian authorities, using the military as a domestic police force threatens civil liberties, undermines democracy, and poses risks to public safety. 3/11
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Gov. Whitmer was among several governors, including Govs. Walz (MN), Moore (MD), Beshear (KY), and Stein (NC), who had condemned the deployment of out-of-state Guard forces into DC last August but who granted Trump’s request to send troops in recent weeks. 2/11
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Today, more than two dozen national and local organizations wrote to Governor Whitmer and asked her to recall the Michigan National Guard forces that she sent to Washington, DC, at President Trump’s request. 1/11 https://t.co/fijpgaT9Ua
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Em comparação com contas do mesmo porte
17 posts dos últimos 90 dias, ao lado da faixa de 10K–100K seguidores. alcança menos gente que os pares, mas os envolve muito mais.
Mediana de visualizações55esta conta924mediana para 10K–100K
Alcance, %0.20%esta conta3.62%mediana para 10K–100K
Engajamento, %11.67%esta conta1.52%mediana para 10K–100K
| Métrica | Esta conta | Mediana para 10K–100K | Proporção |
|---|---|---|---|
| Mediana de visualizações por post | 55 | 924 | 0.06× |
| Alcance (visualizações ÷ seguidores) | 0.20% | 3.62% | 0.05× |
| Taxa de engajamento | 11.67% | 1.52% | 7.67× |
Outras contas desta faixa → Comparar com outra conta → Como estas referências são construídas →
Growth & engagement
How the posts we collected actually performed: views and reaction rate post by post, what the audience did with them, and where the follower count goes.
Views per post
1475 Aug
53
68
51
60
36
55
36
32
33
28
189
185
39
Last 14 collected posts, oldest on the left. The scale is logarithmic: one post can outrun the rest a hundred times over.
Engagement rate per post
6.12%5 Aug
11.32%
8.82%
11.76%
11.67%
16.67%
14.55%
16.67%
18.75%
18.18%
21.43%
3.70%
3.24%
15.38%
Reactions — likes, reposts, replies and quotes — divided by views. Median for 10K–100K accounts is 1.52%.
What the audience does
Likes64.3%169 in total
Reposts22.1%58 in total
Replies11.4%30 in total
Bookmarks2.3%6 in total
Share of every reaction we collected for this account. Replies mean argument, reposts mean endorsement, bookmarks mean the post was worth keeping.
The follower curve appears once this account has two daily snapshots — we take one a day, and this one is on its first.
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