Mujamma Haraket ✓
@MujammaHaraket · joined 04 Oct 2022
Academic based in the Middle East. Areas of concentration include Palestinian muqawama history, esp. the Islamic Resistance Movement, and political philosophy
10 301Followers
1 451Following
7 580Posts total
342.2KViews on collected posts
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Today evidenced just how easily Mohammed Dahlan can manipulate Western nominally anti-Zionist audiences—be they of the left, right, or center—into espousing his choice narrative.
By serving as the source for both Haaretz’ “Coal Eyes” Fatah witness to Sinwar’s putative public ht
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Dahlan and Ehud Olmert have also long been close. Here we see the pair shaking hands in al-Quds on 1 July 2003 and at the 2005 World Economic Forum conference at al-Bahr al-Mayyit. https://t.co/aN22TSV7Qq
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It is also relevant that the UAE statement issued in response does not deny (nor affirm, prevaricating as is Abu Dhabi’s penchant) the Haaretz report. This is to be expected given that Mohammed Dahlan serves as the nexus for both the Haaretz article and the UAE’s approach to the
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“He Does Not Represent Us”: Mahmoud al-Habbash’s Family Disowns Him and Rejects His Positions
The al-Habbash family and members of the broader al-Joura community—descendants of the displaced Palestinian village of Jura ‘Asqalan now living in Palestine and across the https://t.co
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Various Palestinian security channels (including al-Hares and al-Majd) have circulated the following message:
“Statement by Resistance Security on the Occupation’s Role in Inciting the Use of Weapons in Disputes Among Citizens
We have documented evidence confirming that the htt
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0:54
How Is the “Avichai Network” Paving the Way for “NATAN” and the “Abrahamic Movement” in Gaza?
NATAN and the Abrahamic Movement
Figures from the “Avichai Network,” the occupation’s Arabic-language influencer network, celebrated the ‘Israeli’ organization NATAN’s announcement htt
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The Hebrew media, in both its publishing and responses to the article, evinces that this is a propaganda ploy between two wings of the occupation’s political system. Gadi Eisenkot’s liberal flank is able to instrumentalize this narrative that Netanyahu allowed for 7 October to
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Readers may find this article about Sinwar's deception plan of interest: https://t.co/GNiV4Joine https://t.co/Bm2gaMJiDw
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According to a new article by Haaretz, which adverts to sources quoted in the forthcoming book "Hostages: 843 Days of Abandonment," Mohammed Bin Zayed's "close advisor [...] who had emigrated years ago from Gaza to Abu Dhabi"—clearly a veiled reference to Mohammed Dahlan—informed
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And for a detailed account on specifically how Fatah’s “al-Fajr” newspaper inaugurated this claim during an internal clash over the presidential appointment of Islamic University of Gaza—thereby prefiguring this narrative’s deployment against Hamas (later popularized by liberal h
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My Electronic Intifada article on this issue also contains further archival research findings on the origins of this myth, for those interested: https://t.co/V67m4iIniD
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@MujammaHaraket This is the best article I’ve read debunking the conspiracy theory that Hamas was just created by Israel. This theory is offensive and won’t be tolerated from Westerners.
The Zionists were outsmarted and outfought. With the October War, July War, and Al-Aqsa Flo
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I have published a long-form research essay that includes both the findings in this and my other threads alongside significant other findings on the history of this fallacious narrative. https://t.co/YwmA3or2e5 https://t.co/4ga9imxFxX
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action. Consequently, Israel confined itself to reaction to and monitoring of developments” (p. 201).
Hroub’s assessment derives from the five factors that are discussed below.
1) Israel’s position toward Islamic institutions or toward the social and educational aspects of the
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However, Hroub proffers a different interpretation: “namely, that Israel’s policy toward the growing strength of Islamic movements throughout the 1970s and 1980s up to the first year of the intifada was characterized by confusion, bewilderment, and an inability to take decisive
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apparatus that adopted and propagated the former interpretation; particularly through disseminations of Arafat’s strident declarations, which declared Hamas “to be merely a creation of Israel to weaken the PLO” (p. 201).
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Israel ‘plot’”, with the goal of this policy being to undermine the leadership of the PLO, are meted by other, more moderate positions that “Israeli policy merely ignored the phenomenon” (p. 201). As we have already seen in this thread, it is, in fact, the PLO’s information
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common belief that Israel encouraged the Islamists, its goal being to weaken the position and diminish the influence of its main enemy, the PLO" (p. 200).
As Hroub notes, the interpretations that have “attributed the emergence and growth of the Palestinian Islamic tide to an
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been pursued since the creation of Hamas. The first issue concerns the accepted ‘wisdom’ in the media, political circles, and even in academic circles about Israel’s stance toward the Islamist phenomenon—the Muslim Brotherhood before the intifada and later Hamas. There is a
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(though I exhort all with a thorough interest in this topic to read the text in its entirety).
Hroub introduces the issue by writing that "Two basic issues need to be considered in analyzing the mutual perceptions of Hamas and Israel and the attendant political practice that has
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the subsection, ‘Israel’s Position on the Palestinian Islamic Phenomenon’) in his locus classicus, “Hamas: Political Thought and Practice” (Beirut: Institute of Palestine Studies, 2000, pp. 200 - 208. In this second addendum, I will elaborate on Hroub’s argument in this text
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*AN ADDENDUM, PT 3: ON THE FURTHER DISPROVING THE FALLACIOUS NARRATIVE CONCERNING HAMAS-ZIONIST COLLABORATION*
For all those further interested in this issue, I highly recommend Khaled Hroub’s section, ‘HAMAS AND ISRAEL: PERCEPTION AND LANGUAGE OF INTERACTION’ (and especially ht
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The occupation, having learned of the ongoing reconciliation attempts between Hamas and the PLO, sought to attempt to squelch any chances it may have for even minor improvement, preventing Hamas leaders and prominent figures associaated with the movement from traveling abroad for
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between Fatah and Hamas (also see “Al-Nahar” (Jerusalem), 16 January 1990). In August 1992, the zionist occupation prevented ‘Abdul Aziz al-Rantisi and al-Zahar from traveling to Jordan to meet the outside leadership of Fatah (see “Al-Quds" (Jerusalem), 20 August 1992).
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in “Filastin al-Thawra”, the organ of the PLO, signaled a difference in tone from Fatah, one distinct from the enmity it had previously shown; the article demanded the release of Yassin. This precipitated the zionist occupation’s fear that there could be a genuine rapprochement
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It is, however, true that the zionist occupation did work to prevent any reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas. On May 1989, alongside 260 activists, including Salah Shehadeh, Sheikh Yassin was arrested by the zionist occupation. On 15 January 1990, the publication of an article
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spoiled the atmosphere for the dialogue scheduled to be held in Khartoum.)
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Saleh Al-Barghouti, a member of the Palestinian National Council, in his article, ‘Innama al-‘Aajez man la yastabbidd’ [The feeble one is he who does not rule (autocratically)], published in “Al-Liwa” (Jordan), 14 October 1992; the quotes attributed to Arafat created a storm and
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on Hamas as Mandela had done with the Zulus but rather, unlike Mandela, would shoot at ‘the Palestinian Zulus’” (Mandela quoted in Hroub, ibid.).
This caused the scheduled reconciliation talks between Fatah and Hamas to be cancelled. (Arafat’s remarks were quoted by
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เทียบกับบัญชีขนาดเดียวกัน
9 โพสต์จาก 90 วันที่ผ่านมา เทียบกับช่วง 10K–100K ผู้ติดตาม แสดงไปไกลเกินผู้ติดตามของตัวเอง และผู้ชมก็ตอบสนอง.
ยอดดูมัธยฐาน1 036บัญชีนี้961ค่ามัธยฐานของ 10K–100K
การเข้าถึง, %10.06%บัญชีนี้3.53%ค่ามัธยฐานของ 10K–100K
การมีส่วนร่วม, %4.92%บัญชีนี้1.59%ค่ามัธยฐานของ 10K–100K
| ตัวชี้วัด | บัญชีนี้ | ค่ามัธยฐานของ 10K–100K | อัตราส่วน |
|---|---|---|---|
| ยอดดูมัธยฐานต่อโพสต์ | 1 036 | 961 | 1.08× |
| การเข้าถึง (ยอดดู ÷ ผู้ติดตาม) | 10.06% | 3.53% | 2.85× |
| อัตราการมีส่วนร่วม | 4.92% | 1.59% | 3.10× |
บัญชีอื่นในช่วงนี้ → เปรียบเทียบกับบัญชีอื่น → ค่าอ้างอิงเหล่านี้คำนวณอย่างไร →
Growth & engagement
How the posts we collected actually performed: views and reaction rate post by post, what the audience did with them, and where the follower count goes.
Views per post
29623 Aug
4.3K4 Sep
6743 Nov
75219 May
618
23.4K8 Sep
1K
1.4K
1.2K
795
662
1.4K
106
648
Last 14 collected posts, oldest on the left. The scale is logarithmic: one post can outrun the rest a hundred times over.
Engagement rate per post
8.11%23 Aug
2.86%4 Sep
2.23%3 Nov
3.46%19 May
2.10%
1.17%8 Sep
4.92%
5.19%
6.13%
4.78%
8.31%
0.57%
2.83%
6.02%
Reactions — likes, reposts, replies and quotes — divided by views. Median for 10K–100K accounts is 1.59%.
What the audience does
Likes61.1%901 in total
Reposts16.9%249 in total
Replies2.2%33 in total
Quotes2.4%36 in total
Bookmarks17.4%256 in total
Share of every reaction we collected for this account. Replies mean argument, reposts mean endorsement, bookmarks mean the post was worth keeping.
Followers by day
8 Sep
Daily snapshots since 08 Sep 2026; the dashed line is the starting count.
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